Infrastructure

Lianhe Zaobao correspondent Yang Danxu notes that after ten years, the BRI has a somewhat mixed report card. Some analysts say that the BRI has helped some countries, while others observe that progress has sometimes come at a cost, ranging from heavy debt to other indirect effects such as corruption and environmental damage.

While China promotes its BRI to developing countries, these countries are often at risk of a poor economy, political instability and other domestic problems. This means that even as China’s influence is growing, the final result may be less than ideal, says Lianhe Zaobao journalist Miao Zong-Han.

If given security guarantees from the US, it is hard to see how the Gulf states could not help implement IMEC, says RSIS academic James Dorsey. This may not disrupt their economic and trade ties with China in the short term, but they may be wary of constraints to strategic cooperation.

While the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor launched at the recent G20 summit has been touted as a game changer, challenges lie in the way of implementing the plan while China’s ten-year-old BRI continues to be entrenched in global infrastructure networks. EAI senior research fellow Yu Hong shares his views.

The diplomatic focus on third world countries during Mao Zedong’s era has taken a renewed form in Xi Jinping’s era with the focus on the global south, notes EAI academic Chen Gang. International circumstances could propel the Chinese to further elevate the importance of the global south, not least with the recent expansion of BRICS to include several global south countries.

The China-Central Asia Summit may have ended last week, but it seems that it is just the beginning for China’s re-consolidated relations with Central Asia and also Russia, with an exchange of visits between Chinese and Russian officials coming up. Lianhe Zaobao correspondent Yu Zeyuan notes that China’s influence in Central Asia is strengthening, not least the result of Russia’s embroilment in the war in Ukraine.

Local governments are teetering dangerously close to bankruptcy, going by the amount of debt that they have racked up. While their financial troubles are likely to ease with the China’s post-Covid economic recovery, the central government is still expected to step in to prevent regional economies from toppling like a house of cards. But will certain forms of intervention do more harm than good?

Academic Alessandro Arduino gives a reading on the recent Sudan conflict, exacerbated by the participation of mercenaries from Russia’s Wagner Group. China’s economic interests are being threatened in the mayhem, without any reprieve from a “no limits” partnership.

In 2022, Chongqing became China’s fourth largest city in terms of GDP, surpassing Guangzhou, which it had lagged behind despite boasting a bigger population and land mass. Lianhe Zaobao correspondent Edwin Ong notes that Chongqing has leveraged its booming industrial sector to boost its economic growth over the past few years, but is this enough to sustain its stellar performance?