Europe’s strategic autonomy: A force for global good

Chinese President Xi Jinping paid a state visit to France recently, five years after the last one. Both sides came to a general consensus over a number of matters, including the Israel-Hamas conflict, Middle East issues and artificial intelligence.

However, some Western analyses suggest that China’s “charm offensive” targeting France and Europe aims to encourage Europe to distance itself from the US, potentially fracturing the unity within NATO and the European Union. Such murmurs arise whenever China and Europe draw close. These criticisms are ostensibly directed at China, but the real target is those who push for strategic autonomy in Europe.

In April 2023, during Macron’s China visit, the French president emphasised independent diplomacy, European strategic autonomy and opposed divisive confrontations. Some criticised him for driving a wedge into the US-Europe transatlantic alliance.

This time, in a meeting with Xi in the Hautes-Pyrénées, Macron said the world is full of uncertainties and it is vital for Europe to maintain its strategic autonomy and unity. Advocates pushing for a US-European encirclement network against China once again criticise him. To them, Macron’s position is sabotaging the West from within.

Does European strategic autonomy signify a shift away from the US or even anti-American sentiment? Are Sino-European relations and US-European relations a zero-sum game? Interpretations within the EU vary on these matters.

Europe’s pursuit of strategic autonomy will likely progress in a circuitous manner, taking one step forward and two steps back. Nevertheless, the general direction towards strategic autonomy will not change. This is not the result of European sentiments leaning towards disengagement from the US or because China has been “sowing discord”. Things are going this way because strategic autonomy is in Europe’s fundamental interest.

Europe’s pursuit of strategic autonomy is aimed at safeguarding the essence of post-war Europe: a genuine multilateralism characterised by inclusivity, balance and effectiveness.

Firstly, Europe’s pursuit of strategic autonomy in political security is exemplified through an inclusive and balanced approach to multilateral diplomacy. This is not only crucial for peace in and around Europe, but also a significant display of international justice.

For instance, the comprehensive agreement on the Iranian nuclear issue reached in Vienna on 14 July 2015 was a major victory for multilateralism. Unfortunately, former US President Donald Trump withdrew from the agreement after taking office. The withdrawal not only resulted in a threat to regional stability, but also greatly undermined international justice.

In the joint statements issued by the leaders of China and France, the need for an international order based on international law and centred around the United Nations has been reaffirmed on each occasion.

The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) on Iran, based on UN Security Council Resolution 2231, is a key component of the nuclear non-proliferation regime. It calls on all parties to honour their commitments and fully comply with their international obligations. The foreign ministers of China, Russia, European countries and Iran have repeatedly expressed regret over America’s withdrawal and remain committed to retaining the agreement, with hopes for a US return.

Even though the US has not returned to the JCPOA, the fact that Iran has not withdrawn from it testifies to Europe’s achievement in sticking to inclusive and balanced multilateral diplomacy predicated on strategic autonomy.

During Xi’s recent visit, China and France issued a joint statement on the Middle East, expressing their stance with unprecedented clarity. The statement opposed Israel’s offensive on Rafah and the forced displacement of Palestinian civilians, and condemned the Israeli policy of building settlements in violation of international law.

It also noted that establishing Palestinian statehood is “the only way to meet the legitimate aspirations of the Israeli and Palestinian people for lasting peace and security”. These statements represent perhaps the strongest political consensus to date between China and the West on international issues.

Secondly, Europe’s strategic autonomy is evident in its proactive engagement with China, extending invitations for the Asian powerhouse to participate in global multilateralism. This capitalises on China’s influence to secure Europe’s prominent position in global governance amidst the new era of multipolarity.

During Xi Jinping’s state visit to France in March 2014, the French expressed hope for China to host a G20 summit despite lacking previous experience. As anticipated, China effectively hosted the G20 Hangzhou summit two years later.

During this summit, Xi and then-US President Obama issued a joint presidential statement on climate change. China led the way by signing the Paris Agreement, initiating a collaborative effort with the US to ratify the agreement.

At the end of 2015, Xi attended the Paris Conference on Climate Change where he made significant commitments, providing steadfast support to France and Europe in the global governance process of climate change. In 2018, while visiting China, former French President François Hollande praised the host country for its “active role in international affairs, especially its important contributions to the Paris Agreement on climate change”.

An important result of Europe’s and China’s commitment to multilateralism is that neither the JCPOA nor the Paris Agreement on climate change fell apart completely following the US’s unilateral withdrawal. This bespeaks the success of European strategic autonomy.

At the same time, maintaining these agreements carries the hope for the eventual return of the US to genuine multilateralism. Europe’s strategic autonomy is not about parting ways with the US. Rather, it embodies an open form of strategic autonomy.

The opposite of strategic autonomy is strategic dependency, but China-Europe relations are not subordinate to US-Europe relations or China-US relations. The more dynamic Sino-European ties are in and of themselves, the healthier the trilateral relationship will be.

This article was first published in Lianhe Zaobao as “欧洲战略自主和中欧美关系”.

Related: What do Xi and Macron want from each other? | Populism and anti-immigration fervour surges in the West