Let the woman rule: How Takaichi became Japan’s symbol of change
Voters rallied behind Japan’s first female prime minister, seeing Takaichi not just as a Liberal Democratic Party leader but as a figure to challenge the old order and bring unprecedented change to politics and policy. Academic Shin Kawashima takes a look at the factors that led to the election outcome.
The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) won a landslide victory in Japan’s lower house election on 8 February 2026. With 316 seats out of 465, the LDP now holds more than two-thirds of the seats, marking the largest victory since the end of World War II. Consequently, all committee and council chair positions in the lower house will be allocated to the LDP or the ruling party, effectively placing the lower house under their leadership. How did the LDP achieve such a resounding victory, and what does it mean?
Second-largest party’s defeat
First, we need to understand Japan’s lower house election system. The lower house employs a mixed electoral system: single-seat constituencies and proportional representation — in which parties win seats in proportion to the share of votes they receive — hereinafter referred to as the “parallel system”.
Although the LDP won a landslide victory in single-seat constituencies, it received only 49% of the vote in those constituencies, compared to 37% under proportional representation. In other words, if the election had been based entirely on proportional representation, the LDP would have won only 37% of the seats. So why did they win two-thirds of the seats?
This is because, under the parallel system, 289 of the 465 seats are filled through single-seat constituencies. This often leads to many “wasted votes”, where the distribution of seats does not reflect overall public opinion. For example, although the LDP secured two-thirds of the seats, it did not have the support of two-thirds of voters.
Many in Japan point out that the reason for the outcome of the lower house election was not the overwhelming victory of the LDP, but rather the “collapse” of the second-largest party, Chudo, particularly the CDPJ side.
Second, why did the LDP win by a landslide in single-seat constituencies? The parallel system is designed with a two-party system in mind. This makes the presence of a second or leading opposition party crucial in election campaigns.
Shortly before the election, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ) — the second party — merged with Komeito and ran as the Centrist Reform Alliance (Chudo). However, as the second-largest party, Chudo was unable to advocate for policies that could compete with those of the LDP.
Many in Japan point out that the reason for the outcome of the lower house election was not the overwhelming victory of the LDP, but rather the “collapse” of the second-largest party, Chudo, particularly the CDPJ side. Among the CDPJ candidates in single-seat constituencies were former cabinet ministers and party executives, including Katsuya Okada, Koichiro Gemba and Jun Azumi, who were defeated one after another. Also among them was influential figure Ichiro Ozawa. Meanwhile, Komeito limited its candidates to proportional representation and increased its number of seats as a result. In other words, many of the seats that the CDPJ was unable to win went to the LDP in this election.
Riding the winning horse
Third, what was it about the LDP, and party president Sanae Takaichi in particular, that attracted voters? Were they seen as more attractive than Chudo? Although her “determination” to resign if she did not secure a majority was often discussed, opinion polls clearly showed that a majority was expected, hence her “determination” was inconsequential.
Instead, there was strong support for Takaichi as the first female prime minister of Japan, with high expectations that she would bring about unprecedented “change”.
Instead, there was strong support for Takaichi as the first female prime minister of Japan, with high expectations that she would bring about unprecedented “change”. Thus, the voting results most likely reflect voters’ fervent desire to “change the status quo”.
Her image as a decisive figure also appears to have been beneficial. The social phenomenon of “riding the winning horse”, prevalent among young people, appears to have contributed to the LDP’s victory under the leadership of Takaichi.
The security factor
Fourth, a sense of security crisis may be felt throughout Japanese society. Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, China and Russia have increased joint training and exercises off the coast of Japan. Pressure from China and North Korea has also clearly increased. Meanwhile, there is strong public opposition in Japan to the comments made by China in response to Takaichi’s remarks in the Diet in November 2025, as well as to China’s subsequent sanctions against Japan. Such public opinion is a tailwind for conservative politicians.
While China and other countries concentrate on Taiwan, the revision of the three security documents, constitutional issues and visits to Yasukuni Shrine, Takaichi’s second administration will likely prioritise domestic fiscal matters.
Even within the LDP, many former Abe faction (Seiwa Kai) lawmakers, criticised for corruption and other issues, have made a comeback. However, LDP president Takaichi’s main focus in the election was “proactive public finances”, rather than security policy. How this will be implemented alongside a consumption tax cut, and how the necessary funds will be secured, remains unclear.
The administration’s immediate task will be passing the fiscal year 2026 budget, likely followed by the tax cut and other fiscal measures. While China and other countries concentrate on Taiwan, the revision of the three security documents, constitutional issues and visits to Yasukuni Shrine, Takaichi’s second administration will likely prioritise domestic fiscal matters.
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