[Video] Unapologetic and undeterred: Cheng Li-wun’s fight to remake the KMT

(Edited and refined by Grace Chong, with the assistance of AI translation.)

“I think every step has been taken very steadily, and the thinking behind this opening was absolutely right.”

That was how Taiwan’s opposition Kuomintang (KMT) chairwoman Cheng Li-wun summed up her visits to Beijing and Washington in the first half of the year when she spoke to Lianhe Zaobao in an exclusive interview at the end of July. Composed and confident, she showed no hint of fatigue.

(English closed captions are available for the above video.)

Soon after taking office at the end of last year, Cheng raised the banner of the 1992 Consensus and opposition to Taiwan independence. Despite widespread scepticism, she met Chinese President Xi Jinping in April, drawing considerable attention and sparking debate. Before travelling to the US in June, she also proposed transforming US military deployments along the first island chain — designed to counter mainland China since the Cold War — into a chain of peace and prosperity in East Asia. The proposal came under strong criticism during her US visit, but she stood her ground.

Cheng believes the situation in the Taiwan Strait is dangerous. Easing cross-strait tensions and preventing them from escalating into armed conflict, she argues, is in the interests not only of Taiwan and Beijing, but also of the US and the international community as a whole.

Yet Beijing holds firm to the belief that the 1992 Consensus is the key to easing cross-strait relations. Whether that key still works is a question on which many scholars and experts of cross-strait relations in Taiwan and the US remain pessimistic. Cheng, however, remains confident.

She said the outcome was as she had expected: Beijing had also shown a positive attitude towards promoting peaceful exchanges across the Taiwan Strait. “There is a peaceful option for both sides of the Taiwan Strait,” she said.

Washington’s two-sided strategy

Taiwan has long been an important strategic card for the US in countering Beijing since the Cold War, and Washington is unlikely to give it up easily. For decades, the US has handled the “Taiwan card” with great caution, seeking to prevent tensions in the Taiwan Strait from escalating into direct military conflict between China and the US.

As mainland China’s overall national power has grown, Washington has become even more cautious in handling the Taiwan issue. It must maintain competition with Beijing without allowing relations to rupture, while also seeking to maximise Taiwan’s strategic value. That in itself is a formidable challenge, and the slightest miscalculation could upset the balance.

Some observers believe US President Donald Trump’s Taiwan Strait policy has two sides: “confronting China and supporting Taiwan” on the surface, while “avoiding war with China” beneath it. This, they suggest, could be a means for Trump to strike a grand bargain with Xi.

In response, Cheng noted that, based on pragmatic considerations, Trump hopes to develop a new strategic relationship between the US and China. The US administration, she said, “would of course welcome peace, but they remain very cautious. They are watching the top leadership closely and asking how far this breakthrough can go. Is it just a flash in the pan, or will a new model gradually emerge, step by step?”

She felt that the communication between Xi and Trump at their May summit was quite substantive and productive. But decades of accumulated confrontation between China and the US cannot be resolved overnight.

“Even if the US president takes the lead in expressing different ideas and demonstrating a strong commitment, it will still take time to persuade more people and, step by step, change the broader strategic direction,” she said.

She expects further progress at the second Xi-Trump summit in late September.

However, some US observers who closely follow cross-strait developments believe the response to Cheng’s visit may not have been as positive as it appeared. Washington’s strategic direction on US-China relations will not be easily altered simply because someone proposes a new approach. As long as the second Xi-Trump summit is not derailed and there remains room for a deal with Beijing, Trump is likely to retain a degree of strategic ambiguity rather than explicitly siding with either side.

Cheng’s challenge at home

If Cheng’s challenge on the international front is to persuade Washington to embrace her approach, her challenge at home is to win over her own party.

She knows that her peace initiative must do more than secure international space: it must also build a strong consensus within Taiwan, particularly within the KMT, which she leads.

Cheng began her political career in the student movement, gaining extensive experience in grassroots movements. A formidable political fighter who started out in the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), she has a deep understanding of the grassroots and is adept at translating complex political ideas into compelling, persuasive language, igniting the enthusiasm of grassroots party officials and supporters.

Since former Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui described cross-strait ties in the late 1990s as “special state-to-state relations”, the KMT’s position has shifted repeatedly. In the early 2000s, there was even talk of a “Taiwan Kuomintang”, alongside calls for “Taiwan independence to be an option”.

Many KMT politicians understand the importance of peace across the Taiwan Strait, but fear that adopting a line closer to Beijing would make it difficult to win a majority of votes in Taiwan. After losing power in 2016, they became even more reluctant to mention the 1992 Consensus, instead following the DPP’s lead in promoting localisation. “Deep Blue” voters criticised the KMT as the “tail of the DPP”.

Cheng describes herself as “a very atypical KMT politician, but one who happens to fit what the majority of KMT members and supporters now hope for: that the KMT will be transformed and take on a refreshed look”.

After nine months, she believes, the KMT’s morale has risen significantly.

After taking office last November, Cheng immediately revived the 1992 Consensus, which the KMT had played down and which had become stigmatised in Taiwan’s public discourse. She vowed to usher in a century of peace across the Taiwan Strait, passionately calling on the entire party to “turn from a flock of sheep into a pride of lions”, injecting new vitality into a KMT that had appeared increasingly dispirited.

Many of Cheng’s supporters compare her to Sun Yat-sen, praising her ability to shift public sentiment and remain undaunted by outside rumours and criticism. They admire her sense of responsibility and commitment, as well as her determination to return the KMT to the core mission with which Sun founded the party: the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Reinvigorating the KMT’s party spirit

Cheng has also taken on the role of director of the Institute for Revolutionary Practice, personally travelling to local communities to teach in an effort to strengthen the party’s ability to articulate its positions.

“For a long time, many people have believed that the KMT’s problems stem from a lack of core values and a central guiding philosophy, as well as an inability to put forward its positions with sufficient strength and conviction,” she said. “That is also why KMT members chose me to serve as chairperson.”

“Anyone who takes part in political activities must have passion. Each and every one of them is an extension of me, going out to promote and defend the KMT’s positions and ideals,” she said.

A party divided over its direction

But Cheng’s forceful leadership and forthright style have also directly challenged the political culture of this century-old party, which places great importance on “seniority and hierarchy” and “negotiation among factions”.

Some party elders have declined to support her. Decision-makers in Washington have reservations about her. And a broader social climate of “scepticism towards China” could make it harder to win votes. Cheng remains unfazed.

“People will watch to see whether, when you come under pressure, you retreat and change course like KMT politicians have done in the past,” she said bluntly.

Asked about the various pressures she has faced inside and outside the party since travelling to the US and taking office, Cheng did not single anyone out for criticism or hit back. Nor did she complain. Instead, she simply said, “We are moving against the wind, but I have not shown the slightest fear, made the slightest concession or felt the slightest anxiety.”

Since taking office, Cheng has focused on promoting newcomers, leaving some veterans from the previous administration on the sidelines. Yet for a party to grow stronger, experienced hands and new talent are both indispensable. If the party focuses solely on replacing the old with the new, it may face greater resistance, while newcomers may not necessarily be ready to take on their responsibilities immediately.

There is also a debate within the party over how to handle China-US relations. One group believes the KMT should maintain good relations with the US, while another places greater emphasis on relations with Beijing. The two camps differ over which side Taiwan should lean towards.

Cheng wants to place greater emphasis on the mainland without breaking with the US. But walking that tightrope will not be easy.

She describes herself as an idealist, but by no means a fantasist, and says any policies she pursues will be grounded in reality. She has spent nine months proving that the first step is feasible. The road ahead will be beset by headwinds at every turn, but she remains determined to press forward.

Interview notes: unconventional, unvarnished and undeterred

More than nine months into her tenure as chair of Taiwan’s largest opposition party, Cheng has remained in the spotlight for her distinctive style: forthright, outspoken and unafraid to express her views.

That unvarnished personality was evident even before the interview began.

In the sweltering Taipei heat, she sat down and immediately said she was “very sensitive to the heat”. Her assistant said the air conditioning had been set to 19°C. Cheng explained that the KMT’s central party headquarters had an old air-conditioning system, so it took time to cool the room.

Then she asked, “Can I cross my legs? It’s more comfortable that way — although it’s not a healthy posture and could cause the spine to curve.”

She laughed to herself, completely at ease and without the slightest attempt to hide her feelings.

Her assistant then handed her a small portable fan. “I’m going to cool myself down first. Sorry about this.” After fanning herself for a few seconds, she straightened up and said, “Right, let’s begin.”

There was little small talk. The interview quickly got down to business.

When answering questions, Cheng seemed almost never to hesitate. She spoke at a brisk pace, launching straight into lengthy arguments with barely a pause.

She spoke at length and with evident confidence about cross-strait and Taiwan-US relations. When she discussed the tens of thousands of new party members — ranging from 16-year-olds to 80-year-olds — who had joined the KMT because of her, her voice rose noticeably. She could barely conceal her excitement.

The only time her expression darkened was when she was asked whether she would resign and take responsibility if the results of the “nine-in-one” local elections at the end of the year fell short of expectations.

Her voice dropped slightly: “Although there are some issues in certain counties and cities, including Chiayi City and Changhua County, and everyone is somewhat anxious, I am still very confident that, in the end, we should be able to deliver a report card that everyone can be satisfied with.”

Cheng’s forthrightness and outspokenness frequently spark controversy. Since taking office, her remarks have repeatedly been subject to heightened interpretation by the outside world, including speculation that she might run in the 2028 presidential election.

Towards the end of the interview, we asked how she viewed this particular aspect of her character.

Without the slightest hesitation, she laughed and said, “I’ll keep speaking frankly.”

She stressed that “as party chair, my job is to nominate the strongest candidates, unite all opposition forces and maintain the Blue-White alliance”. The KMT, she said, must establish a proper system. It would not pre-select candidates behind closed doors, still less tailor the process to any individual.

“If I do this job well and the media then interpret it as me wanting to run for president, that would be an over-interpretation,” she said.

As soon as the agreed interview time was up, Cheng stood up.

“Sorry! Something urgent has come up that I have to deal with.”

With that, she swept out of the room, her assistant following close behind with the small portable fan.

This article was first published in Lianhe Zaobao as “专访郑丽文：逆风中寻两岸和平路 重塑国民党党魂”.

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